Daily Update–June 5

After a brief break, including several changes in my life and a few uncontrollable happenings, I am glad to say that Daily Updates are back and I am going to start working on a longer analysis post to get up in the ensuing weeks. But without further ado, here is today’s Daily Update:

South Korea

Politics– Since taking office on May 9, President Moon Jae-in has stayed fairly busy. Three days into his term, Moon reversed one of Park’s signature policies: the introduction of state-authored history textbooks. On May 12, Moon ordered the textbooks to be scrapped (NY Times). On Tuesday, Moon continued his push for the lesser known by promising to reevaluate the history of Korea and search for people who made the country great (Korea Herald). This comes as his approval ratings fell for the first time on Monday following issues regarding his high ministerial appointments and issues befalling the investigation into THAAD deployment (Korea Times). Moon faces several challenges ahead, the most pressing being establishing a good reputation with the new Trump administration which has constantly argued for policies counter to those of Moon.

The National Assembly is set to take up the possibility of having family reunions of those split by the Korean War on August 15, Korean Liberation Day. Following a meeting with Chung Sye-kyun, South Korea’s National Assembly Speaker, and party leaders, Kang Hoon-shik, leader of the Democratic Party, said: “We’ve agreed to issue a resolution to push for a family reunion on Aug. 15” (Korea Times). This would be the first of such reunions since October 2015 when they were stopped following North Korean provocations.

Economy–The middle class in South Korea slipped about a percent to 65.7% in 2016 from the previous year the Finance Ministry said on Tuesday. The shrink is due to a widening of income disparity between the rich and poor despite government efforts to quell the issue (Yonhap). Last year, South Korea’s total income distribution rose to 9.32, meaning that those in the top 20 percent income bracket had about 9 times what those in the bottom 20 percent bracket did. The disposable income rose on year in 2016 as well, though not as sharply (Yonhap).

Culture–South Korea has launched a bus tour aimed at introducing foreigners to attractions outside of Seoul (Korea Times). The bus will take foreigners to one of five regions–the southeastern city of Daegu, Ganghwa Island in Incheon near Seoul, the northeastern province of Gangwon, the southwestern province of South Jeolla and the southeastern province of North Gyeongsang–for tours. There are plans to extend the coverage of the buses in 2019 with more stops (Yonhap).

North Korea

News–North Korea has rejected aid from a South Korean civic organisation in light of South Korea’s recent support of UN sanctions resolutions. After North Korea declared its openness to some inter-Korean exchanges, the Korean Sharing prepared to send pesticides and medical supplies to fight malaria in North Korea (Korea Times). However, Kang Yong-shik announced on Tuesday that the group would be putting off its shipment and vists, saying that Pyongyang took issue with South Korean support of recent UN sanctions (Korea Times; Yonhap). This rebuttal highlights tensions on the peninsula.

Leadership Watch–Kim has had a busy introduction into the month of June. On May 30, Kim Jung-un attended the test of the missile. According to state media, the test “verified the flight stability of ballistic rocket loaded with fin-controlled warhead in the active flying section and reconfirmed the accuracy of velocity correction and attitude stabilisation system by a small heat jet engine in middle flying section” (KCNA). A few days later, Kim visited the Kangso Mineral Water facility. During his tour of the facility, Kim discussed how the factory was a make of the Kim Il-sung and Kim Jung-il eras, reminiscing about how the factory was remodelled under their guidance during the Arduous March (KCNA). Finally, on June 5, Kim attended a combat flight contest among officers of the North Korea Air and Anti-Air Force. After ordering the men to conduct a sortie, Kim went to the observation tower to observe the contest, knowing the men would show militant spirit. After the competition, Kim gave guidance on how the Air and Anti-Force could round off preparations for combat (KCNA). With these recent actions, Kim has continued pushing his two themed advancement strategy: military and economic.[1]

Notes

[1] Sources are from North Korean state media and should be read in context with other sources to provide a fuller, more insightful picture of Kim’s actions in North Korea.

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Breaking News: North Korean Supreme People’s Assembly Convenes

(Image: Kim Jung-in holding up the Supreme People’s Assembly card. Source: Yahoo News)

North Korea opened a meeting of the Supreme Peole’s Assembly on April 11 (Yahoo News). The meeting comes at a time when North Korea is behaving belligerently, with many looking towards the outcomes for directions Pyongyang may pursue.

The docket remains unknown for now, though a few predictions can be made. Kim Jung-un will most likely make American aggression–THAAD deployment and deployment of Carl Vinson strike group–a key element of the meeting, using it to bolster support for the byungjin line–domestic nuclear and economic advancement. Other topics may include domestic shifts in economic production, political leadership, and/or political structure. Following with trends, Kim most likely will make a push for further scientific development in North Korea (CNBC).

In the past, the Supreme People’s Assembly has acted as a rubber stamp for the regime. Though the content of the meeting is unknown at the moment–I will write a more in depth post when the meeting is over–whatever Kim decides for the country is most likely to pass.

Daily Update – March 1

South Korea

Politics – Parents of high school students at Munmyeong High School, in Gyeongsan, plan to file an administrative suit with Daegu District Court challenging the school’s adoption of controversial state-authored history textbooks.  The school was designated as an experimental school for the textbooks, a move many parents see as illegal and drove 4 incoming students to drop out or move to another school (Yonhap).  State authored history textbooks have had a long, troubled history since greenlighted in 2015.  Since the decision to move to state-authored history textbooks, the Park administration has been accused of trying to whitewash history to bolster the conservative position (NY Times).  In late 2016, it was reported that the official roll out was delayed till 2018, but schools could opt to test the books (Asia News Network).  Switching to state-authored textbooks has long been met with negative criticism in Korea; a Gallup Korea poll released on November 6, 2015, showed that 53% viewed the shift negatively (NY Times), and on January 20 this year, South Korean parliament introduced a bill to ban the textbooks (Yonhap).  Though not the most scandalous act of the administration, the shift was a part of the two years of scandal which caused Park’s downfall.  With the introduction of the bill, it appears the textbooks are in the crosshairs and possibly will be entirely eliminated under the next administration.  If not banned, the textbooks will go into use in 2018.

aen20161128005400315_01_i(Image: South Korean officials hand out pilot editions of the controversial state authored history textbooks in Seoul on November 28, 2016.  Source: Yonhap)

Economy – Households in Korea are facing a toughening burden on two fronts. Last year households spent 2 million won in taxes and quasi-taxes, with the government collecting 10 million won more than expected in taxes.  The average household spent 158,761 won in taxes last year, a rise of 2.1% on year (Korea Times). Many forecast such a rise since the government also took in a surplus in 2015.  This has opened a debate on lowering the tax rate in Korea to alleviate some of the tax burden and leave families with more disposable income.  Currently, South Korea’s tax rate is 19.5%, which is lower than the average OECD rate of 25.1% (Korea Times).

Secondly, Korean outstanding household credit jumped to 1,344.3 trillion won (US$1.17 trillion) during the first quarter of last year, up 11.7% from the previous year (Yonhap).  Amid the trend of rising household debt, the Bank of Korea is looking to cut its rates which currently stand at 1.25%.  However, with the possibility of an American Fed hike and the upcoming election–domestic political uncertainty mostly–South Korea’s current rate freeze is set to remain for the time being (Yonhap).  Bank of Korea Governor Lee Ju-yeol argued for a cautious monetary policy while some analysts have said South Korea has run out of monetary policy cards to revive the economy (Yonhap).  As the political uncertainty domestically mixes with economic uncertainty, in terms of a rate hike in the U.S., the Bank of Korea should shy away from drastic moves, opting to maintain the status quo for the time being.

Culture – Wednesday was the anniversary of the March 1 Independence Movement in South Korea, which 98 years ago precipitated the Korean opposition against Japanese occupation.  In 2017, pro- and anti-Park protestors took to the streets as the Constitutional Court is deciding whether to uphold or rescind the impeachment motion.  As of 8pm, 300,000 people were reported to be in the square, with many anti-Park protestors waving the national flag with an attached yellow ribbon in memory of those who died in the Sewol tragedy (Korea Herald).  An anti-Park candlelight vigil was held in the evening to demand the court to uphold the impeachment.  South Korea’s political landscape is becoming more and more polarized as the decision lingers.  The court is set to render a verdict in early March.

20170301000398_0(Image: Police buses separate pro- and anti-Park protestors in Gwanhhwamun Square.  Source: Korea Herald)

North Korea

News – Just when you think it can not, the Malaysia debacle continues to grow.  On Tuesday, the two women who attacked Kim Jong-nam were officially indicted in Malaysia and could receive the death penalty (NY Times).  The two women–Indonesian Siti Aisyah and Vietnamese Doan Thi Huong–are officially charged with murder in the attack.  Malaysian authorities are also looking to indict Ri Jong-chol in connection with the killing (Korea Times).  Malaysia also took more actions against North Korea.  The Malaysian government, citing national security, has canceled the visa waver program for North Korean citizens.  The change will take effect on March 6, after which any North Korean seeking entry to Malaysia will have to obtain a visa (Yonhap).  As the case unfolds, North Korea may face a drastic shift in relations with Malaysia, one that is not for the better.

01kim-1-master315(Image: Vietnamese Doan Thi Huong, 28, left, and Indonesian Siti Aisyah, 25, are the two women charged with the murder of Kim Jong-nam and could receive the death penalty.  Source: NY Times)

Leadership Watch – On March 1, Kim Jung-un inspected the headquarters of the large combined unit 966.  During his inspection, Kim praised the past commanding officers of the unit, saying many were tough anti-Japanese fighters, provided on the spot guidance, toured the history collections and monuments the unit holds, and offered a path forward for the unit.  He also praised the combat readiness of the unit.  With him on this visit was KPA Vice Marshal Hwang Pyong So, director of the KPA General Political Bureau, and Army Col. General Ri Yong Gil, first vice-chief of the KPA General Staff and director of the General Operational Bureau (KCNA)[1].

[1] Source is from state-controlled media and should be read with a keen eye to the details of the report.  Combination with outside sources can ensure information is complete.

Daily Update: February 16

South Korea

Economy – I put economy first, breaking with the typical tradition of this post, because a story is currently breaking.  A South Korea court has ruled Hanjin Shipping Company, a leader in the South Korean shipping industry for decades, officially bankrupt (MarketWatch).  In August of 2016, Hanjin went into receivership and applied for court protection.  However, it was unable to get money from its creditors.  Therefore, the company will be liquidated and all assets sold off (Yonhap).  As a result of the news, many Hanjin ships were denied entry at ports for fear that payments would not be made (BBC).  The fall of Hanjin also means that most of the companies seamen are suddenly out of a job.  Some analysts have commented that the failure of Hanjin may work to bring down overcapacity in the shipping industry down to a sustainable level, arguing that a crash of another major Korean shipping company was unlikely (BBC).

91203982_2fee3fd1-012d-4f3e-80f3-aba39e4933dc(Image: Hanjin employees lobbying to save their company.  Source: BBC)

mw-ev014_hanjin_20160830232802_zh(Image: Cargo sitting on a Hanjin ship in a German port.  Source: MarketWatch)

Politics – Choi-gate has continued to claim victims throughout every aspect of life in South Korea.  This week, two different arrest warrants were issued.  On Wednesday, Special Prosecutors formally arrested Choi Kyung-hee, the ex-head of Ehwa University.  She has been charged with giving admissions and grading favors to Choi Soon-sil’s daughter (Korea Times). Last month, Choi Kyung-hee avoided arrest when her name was brought before the court.  De-facto head of Samsung, Lee Jae-yong, also had a warrant issued for his arrest when his name came up a second time in court.  Lee was arrested on the same day, charged with paying over 40 billion won to get the National Pension Service to back a controversial merger (Yonhap).  These arrests come as Park is still waiting for the Constitutional Court to make their decision on her impeachment.

Culture – South Korea is home to some of the worst air in the world.  According to the “State of Global Air 2017” report, South Korea’s population -weighted national average concentration of PM2.5–ultra-fine particles or matter of a diameter of at least 2.5 microns–was 29 micrograms in 2015, well above the OECD average of 15 micrograms (Korea Herald).  Over the past 25 years, South Korea’s PM2.5 problem has gotten worse while the OECD average has gotten better.  In 1990, the OECD average was 17 micrograms while Korea’s average was 26 micrograms (Korea Herald).  Many point to China as the culprit, but the South Korean government highlights emissions from diesel engines.  To combat this, the Environmental Ministry rolled out anti-yellow dust measures in June.  This plan did not garner the public’s interest (Korea Herald).

North Korea

North Koreans have not heard of the death of Kim Jong-nam, Kim Jung-un’s half brother.  State media has not reacted to the slew of media reports covering the news.  A source cited in the Korea Herald commented that he thought Kim Jung-un was the oldest son of Kim Jung-il (Korea Herald).  As Pyongyang looks to strengthen its hold on power, the government may suppress news of Kim Jung-nam’s death due to his close ties to China.  Despite the lack of official coverage in North Korea, some reports of Kim Jung-nam’s death have gone viral in the border region (Korea Herald).

Breaking News: Kim Jung-un Brother Dead in Malaysia

ÝÁ ±èÁ¤³², ¸»·¹À̽þƼ­ ÇÇ»ì(Image: Kim Jung-nam being escorted.  Source: Korea Herald; The Telegraph)

Kim Jung-nam, older half-brother to North Korean leader Kim Jung-un, has been confirmed to have died on the way to catch a plane in Malaysia.  He was on his way to catch a plane in Kula Lumpur International Airport when he started to feel ill and was then transported to the airport clinic.  From there, they decided to take him to the hospital when he still felt ill.  Kim Jung-nam passed away in the ambulance (BBC).  The exact cause of death is currently unknown.

A TV Chosun report was the first to speculate that Kim Jung-nam had been poisoned.  According to the report, two North Korea women approached Kim from behind and used needles to inject him with the poison (TV Chosun*).  The women have so far been able to evade police searches in Malaysia (The Telegraph).

Kim Jung-nam was the son of Kim Jung-il and his first wife Sung Hae-rim.  In 2001, Kim Jung-nam was captured trying to enter Japan on a fake visa.  The incident, many analysts believe, soured his chances of taking over the country (The Telegraph).  However, some analysts also believe his fate was settled when Kim Jung-il started to favor Ko Yong-hee, Kim Jung-un’s mother, over Sung Hae-rim (New York Times).  After falling out of favor with his father, Kim Jung-nam spent the majority of his time abroad, leaving behind his life in North Korea.  While being questioned by a reporter in Macau, Kim Jung-nam responded to his being past up, saying that succession was his father’s decision (New York Times).  Kim Jung-nam was also pro-Chinese.

If confirmed as an attack, this would be the highest profile death since Kim Jung-un had his uncle, Jang Song-thaek, killed in 2013.[1]

[1] Updated on February 14 at 11pm to reflect an error in reporting.  Originally reported that Jang was purged in 2010, when he was actually executed in December of 2013.

Culture News Alert: Pokémon Go Released in Korea

Ninatic has released its most popular game, Pokémon Go, in Korea on Tuesday. The release came as an unexpected surprise for one of the world’s largest gaming communities.  Pokémon Go is available in Korean on the Apple App Store and on the Google Play Store (Korea Herald).

Pokémon Go was released to the world in July 2016 when it came out in the United States to major success, shaping the culture of handheld gaming.

A Korean release was delayed due to technical and political issues stemming from the game’s technology; Pokémon Go relies on GPS technology similar to Google Maps for location services, but Korean law forbids storage of map data overseas (Bustle; New York Times).  Google and the Korean government have been in a long dispute over the storage of map data.  The dispute has resulted in several high-profile denial of access results favoring the Korean government (Wall Street Journal).  The Korean version, according to reports, relies on publicly available map data to augment its location services for South Korea (Reuters).  This circumvents some of the regulations in place by the Korean government, but may limit the game in terms of number of Pokéstops and so forth–compared with the game in other countries like the United States and Japan.

Prior to the release, Pokémon Go created a virtual tourism site in Sokcho, as residents flocked there to play the game. Hotels and business even got in the action, creating maps of free wifi zones for visitors to access while they visited.  Sockcho was able to utilize the games augmented location systems due to a technicality in the map data storage laws (The Korea Page; The Guardian).

(Post has been updated with linked source material, including the article which sparked this post.)

The People vs. President Park: An Analysis of the December 9 Impeachment Vote

Friday, December 9, 2016, was a historic day in South Korea.  President Park Geun-hye was confronted with a vote on the motion to impeach her in the national assembly, which resulted in a 234-56 vote in favor of impeachment.  This is now uncharted territory for the Korean government and people as the motion is now waiting a ruling from the constitutional court; this is the first impeachment process in which the president is directly involved in the scandal, meaning Park may be the first democratically elected president in South Korean history to be fully impeached.  In light of the Choi scandal, this move may be the only way for South Koreans to restore faith in Korea’s highest office, and the political system in general.  Due to this historic occasion, this entire post will be devoted to the impeachment.  The first section will outline the scandals cited in the motion, while the second will explore the future of South Korea, showing a possibility for each plausible ruling and outlining possible effects on other aspects of Korean politics and economy.

The Road to Impeachment: Park’s 2014-2016 Leadership Crisis

President Park Guen-hye has been wrapped in scandal for the past few months as South Koreans come to the streets in numbers not seen since the Democratization movement of the 1980s; two weeks ago (November 26), 1.5 million protested throughout the country and last weekend 1.7 million took to the streets  (New York Times; Voice of America).  Protests of this magnitude rocked Korea for six straight weekends as the National Assembly worked to bring Park face to face with an impeachment motion.  But what exactly caused the demise of Park?  The answer, though seemingly simple, is a tad complex and the impeachment motion placed several issues on the block for reasons to impeach Park (Yonhap).  Incidents cited in the motion included the Sewol tragedy and the current Choi scandal.  Both are detailed below.

Way before the current scandal started to unravel any legitimacy President Park retained through her last two years, another scandal shook the foundations of her presidency.  On the morning of April 16, 2014, the Sewol ferry capsized during a journey to Jeju Island as it carried mostly high school students.  Throughout the day, the death toll quickly rose; around 6:30pm local time, Yonhap ran a headline saying 292 had died in the incident (Yonhap).  The sinking and the following investigation revealed a web of corruption charges against the owner of the ferry and his family, and many of the crew were unable to escape scrutiny and, in some cases, even charges (BBC; Yonhap; Yonhap); however, the lack of action by President Park drew international criticism.  The ferry sank at 8:45am.  Park, however, did not show up on the site until 5:15pm.  (Author knows from personal experience that it takes around 5 hours maximum to travel across the southern half of the peninsula, and that includes a long stop to get food.)  These 7 hours are still shrouded in mystery, though Park did receive several briefings on the incident throughout the day (Korea Times).  It would take the current revelations to get some answers on the president’s whereabouts as the Sewol tragedy unfolded.  An article released in the HanKyoreh revealed that Park got her hair dressed for 90 minutes during that time period (HanKyoreh*).  Park’s staff quickly refuted the time, saying the hairdresser was only there for 20 minutes (Asia Correspondent; Yonhap).  This was not the only aspect which drew criticism, however.  During the rescue operations, several difficulties arose, including communication difficulties between agencies which made the rescue operation difficult (Korea Herald).  In response, Park dissolved the Korean Coast Guard (Reuters). This scandal shook President Park’s seeming infallibility as her approval ratings dipped below 40% for the first time (Korea Times).  The sinking brought Koreans – both grieving family and supporters – to Gwanghwamun Square in protest of the government’s actions on that fateful day (The Telegraph).  In May of 2015, protesters gathered to mark the first anniversary of the tragedy, while also criticizing the lack of independence in the government’s investigation into the incident (Amnesty International).  Though the political fallout from this incident was not as damning as the current scandal, at the time, it started the downward spiral which would become Park’s final two years in office.[1][2]

Fast forward to 2016, and President Park becomes embroiled in the scandal which, in the end, was the final straw for the South Korean people.  It started in July when students, while protesting the opening of a night school for employees, demanded an investigation into the Choi scandal at an 86-day sit-in (Korea Times).  Four months later, JTBC started to run stories questioning the relationship between Park and Choi.  One of the earlier stories, released online October 26, called into question the influence Park and Choi had in terms of the Mir Foundation – one of Choi’s two foundations currently under investigation – and the possibility that Park had shared confidential documents with Choi (JTBC*).  Following these revelations, Park gave her first televised apology two days later.  During her speech, Park admitted that Choi had edited speeches during her 2012 campaign, and that she had shared some documents with Choi (Bloomberg).  The speech came after Park had called for a major constitutional revision which opposition lawmakers saw as creating a distraction from the allegations (The Korea Page).  On October 30, Choi returned to Korea and was subsequently arrested on November 3, charged with influence peddling and abuse of power (Choson Ilbo; AlJezzera; New York Times).  The charges reflected the situation, as Choi allegedly used her relationship with Park to force companies to donate to her two foundations (Korea Times); promote appointments of people to powerful positions within the government and private sectors (KBS); edited speeches for the president while also having access to a variety of classified material (JoongAng Daily); and even had influence in the diplomatic and political situations of the government despite not holding an official position in the Park administration (International Business Times).  The investigation continued through November.  And, on November 4, Park gave her second apology speech in which she outlined her relationship with Choi (Korea Times).  On November 20, prosecutors announced their desire to charge Park herself with collusion, though under the constitution she is unable to be tried while in office (The Guardian)[3]. On November 29, Park gave her third apology speech, delegating the shortening of her term over to the National Assembly.  South Koreans of all walks of life demurred her remarks, arguing that she step down on her own (Kyunghyang Shinmun). As the story continued to unravel, Park lost all of her legitimacy as the leader of the South Korean people.  Her overall approval ratings tanked quickly, eventually reaching 4%, an all-time low for any democratically elected president in South Korea (Reuters).  For six straight weeks, protestors lined the streets of Seoul, and throughout the country, calling for her resignation in record numbers; the final weekend before the vote – December 3 – 1.7 million people protested throughout the country (Voice of America).  It was this scandal which ultimately brought Park down, resulting in the impeachment vote on Friday. (For a good timeline of the scandal, see this Financial Times article.)[1]

These two scandals formed the basis of the impeachment motion which was introduced on December 3.  Before its introduction into the Assembly, Saenuri lawmakers advised the opposition to remove the reference to the Sewol tragedy and focus on the charges levied against the president by the prosector’s office (Sputnik).  The motion went to a full vote on December 9.  Around 4pm local time, Chung Sye-kyun announced the results of the vote: 234 in favor, 56 opposed, 2 abstaining, 7 unaccounted (Yonhap*).  With the passage of the motion, Park is stripped of all powers and Prime Minister Hwang Kho-ahn will be acting president.  As for the motion, the Constitutional Court will review it and has 180 days to render a verdict either upholding the motion or rescinding it.

A Web of Uncertainty: Post-Impeachment South Korea

For the foreseeable future, the Constitutional Court will be debating the motion, hearing from both sides, and then render a verdict to uphold or rescind it.  If they uphold the verdict, South Korea will enter a period with a political vacuum.  If rescinded, Park may be forced out office through resignation.  No matter what the court decides, South Korea will enter a period of unprecedented political turmoil which may spark a small economic recession, worry South Korean alliances, and provide North Korea with an opportune time to launch a provocation.

If the court rules in favor of this motion with a minimum of 6 votes, President Park will be formally removed from office and an election will be triggered within 60 days of the ruling to fill the vacuum left by the impeachment motion.  Until the election, Prime Minister Hwang Kho-ahn will remain acting president.  As for who will win the election, at the moment it is tough to decipher.  But there are a few front runners who may throw their hat into the presidential ring.  UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon currently holds the top spot among prospective candidates.  In September, Yonhap reported his ratings at 32.7%, almost double his closest competitor (Yonhap).  Ban is a conservative and has thought of joining the ruling party if he decides to run.  In an article, a staff reporter at the HanKyroeh ranked Ban against other top ruling perspective candidates (HanKyoreh).  However, the current scandal has soured the ruling party in Ban’s eyes; many experts have hinted that running on the ticket would be a bad idea (Korea Times; Reuters).  However, Ban’s possibilities may be hindered by the simple fact that he has been based in New York for a decade and has not run for office in South Korea (Reuters).  (Ban Ki-moon has yet to declare his intent to run.)  Ban’s closest competitor, former Minjoo Party leader Moon Jae-in, polled at 17.3% in the Yonhap article (Yonhap).  In 2012, Moon Jae-in ran an unsuccessful race against Park, winning only 48% of the vote (New York Times; Washington Post).  Currently, Moon is under heavy fire for his actions during a 2007 UN resolution vote.  In his memoir, ex-President Roh Moo-hyun’s Foreign Minister Song Min-soon, revealed that Moon Jae-in, then Roh’s chief of staff, backed a resolution to seek advice from North Korea regarding the vote (Korea Times).  If elected, Moon Jae-in may also seek to reverse the policy of trustpolitik – Park’s North Korea policy – favoring a Sunshine 2.0.  Other opposition candidates also have major baggage coming with them; another presidential hopeful, Park Won-soon, heads a party which was against a North Korean human rights legislation and also hinted at justifying the sinking of the Cheonnan (One Free Korea).  The political landscape of Korea following the ousting of Park is a very murky one.  No party has backed a candidate yet, though many hopefuls are working to place themselves in the public eye.  If the election comes sooner rather than later, the opposition will have a chance in winning, since the Saenuri party will have to rebrand and distance itself from Park.  This may take a while to do effectively.

However, if the court decides to rescind the motion, or fails to come to a super majority in favor in upholding the decision, Park’s powers as the president will be reinstated.  If this result comes to fruition, the public may express outrage against the Constitutional Court.  President Park will also face yet another legitimacy crisis; she will have to govern a country which does not see her as a leader.  This is even more crucial as her approval rating inched up to 5% after the impeachment vote (Reuters).  She will have to quickly work to reassure the South Korean public that she has their best interest in mind if she wishes to stay in power.  A seeming impossibility after the Choi scandal.  The public, however, would be the least of concerns.  If placed back in power, Park will face a very strong opposition with a majority following the National Assembly elections in April 2016  (HanKyroeh).  Currently, the opposition parties are calling for a delay in the deployment of THAAD, a major milestone of the Park administration, releasing a statement saying “an administration impeached by the people cannot push forward with the project” (Korea Times).  The opposition may only grow more fervent in their demurring of Park’s policy ideas if her presidential powers are reinstated.  Facing such a difficult turmoil in implementing and creating policy, as well as growing unpopularity with the Korean people, the best strategy if the motion is rescinded is to resign.  With a resignation, Park will show her solidarity with the people, which may raise her approval ratings overall.

Impeachment motions in Korea have created a sense of economic uncertainty.  In 2004, during the impeachment proceedings of Roh Moo-hyun, South Korea’s economy grew by only 2.9%, compared with 6.9% growth the previous year (The Guardian).  The current motion, however, will have less an impact on the Korean economy in the near term.  Following the impeachment, South Korea’s KOSPI index shrank from 2031.7 to 2024.69.  However, since the impeachment, the KOSPI index has continued to rise (Bloomberg Markets).  Economic minister Yoo Il-ho ensured the Korean public that the impeachment vote will have a minimal effect on the Korean economy (Yonhap).  Other factors, however, may continue to hinder the economy of South Korea.  For example, the Samsung galaxy incident and shipbuilders are experiencing a downsizing (Bloomberg).  As it currently stands, the impeachment motion itself will have a minimal effect on the economy, which has endured shock due to political uncertainty.

South Korea also faces a strong political delay in both domestic and international politics.  The biggest domestic issue taking a back seat to the scandal is the textbook issue.  On November 28, South Korea’s Ministry of Education revealed the first draft of the controversial textbooks, featuring a wide array of edits (Yonhap).  The issue of state-authored history textbooks brought many to Seoul to protest the Park administration and, as of now, Hwang has done nothing to stop the publication of the textbooks – though one can understand why his mind may be elsewhere right now – and there is little to hint that a change will occur (Yonhap).  Internationally, THAAD and the future of the American-Korean alliance have also taken a back seat.  Korea has been unable to work with the American president-elect to ensure the alliance remains strong.  The deployment of THAAD also has an unclear future.  Opposition parties are calling for a delay in the deployment – see above paragraph – while General Brooks said there would be no delay in THAAD deployment on the peninsula (Yonhap).  As Hwang struggles to take on the burden of presidential power, there is little to hint at a change in the status-quo in the Korean political situation until a new leader is selected.  If the opposition party is placed in power, then, with a majority in the National Assembly and Presidential Office control, may work to overturn the more controversial aspects of Park’s policies.

Conclusions

South Korea is entering a point of uncertainty as it enters 2017.  Park had her leadership stymied by her relationship with a close friend, Choi Soon-sil, and South Korean political leadership has had to focus on restoring public faith in the highest office in the country.  This means major domestic issues, for example state-authored textbooks, and foreign policy issues, such as THAAD deployment and preparation for the new American president,  have taken a back seat as the resolution works its way through the legal structure.

The presidential election is the key aspect to determining South Korea’s future, though it is difficult to predict the outcome.  If the opposition parties are able to secure a victory, Park’s more controversial moves – textbooks, THAAD, closing Kaesong – may be up for reconsideration.  Also, the next presidential candidate will shoulder the burden of securing a strong alliance with the United States and the imcoming Trump administration.  Through the turbulence, South Korea’s political future is tough to predict.  Economically, however, South Korea seems to maintain the status-quo and will not face a serious slide in the aftermath of this election.  Park’s impeachment in light of the Choi revelations places Korea in a place of uncertainty as it enters 2017, and has stalled political advancement in both domestic and international arenas.  Hwang will have a difficult time maintaining the status-quo as impeachment runs through the court, but it appears he is taking this new responsibility on with stride.

Notes

*Source is in Korean

[1] There is a lot of nuance and information missing from my current analysis since I tried to write a short summary.  If you have a question or wish for me to elaborate on the points presented in this post, please post your question in the comments section and I shall elaborate to the best of my ability, with additional sources.

[2] Between these two scandals, in November 2015, Park introduced a policy for Korea to return to state-authored textbooks, which only multiplied public resentment of her following the Sewol sinking.

[3] Despite being impeached, Park is still the sitting president, barring a ruling from the Constitutional Court.  Once a South Korean president is impeached, they lose all political power such as appointing judges to courts, influencing and creating domestic and foreign policy.  But impeached presidents in Korea get to live in the Blue House and retain the title of president until the court rules on the motion.

(I apologize that some sections may be lacking in terms of clarity and analysis – I tried to write and get this up quickly.  Any questions may be addressed in the comments and I promise to clarify and also elaborate on anything missing in this post.  Also, I am able to answer any questions about the situation with more sources.)